Every serious proposal should be tested by its strongest objections. This page collects the toughest criticisms of the Metatron Project, from the left and the right, from security professionals and international lawyers, and answers them directly. Where the project has a weak spot, we say so. If you have an objection that is not here, send it to us at info@metatronproject.org.
Law and Legitimacy
“Leaving the settlement blocs until an agreement is annexation by another name. The 2024 ICJ opinion requires all settlers to be evacuated.”
This is a real gap, and we do not hide it. Along the rest of the line the wall follows the 1967 line, and relocation outside the blocs begins immediately. The four blocs (Ma’ale Adumim, Modi’in Illit, Beitar Illit and Giv’at Ze’ev) remain covered by the existing barrier only until an agreement: this is a temporary arrangement, not part of the project, and the barrier is dismantled wherever the agreement places the border on the 1967 line. The gap with the 2024 opinion can be closed only by an agreement between the parties. More on the Line page.
“The International Court of Justice ruled the wall illegal in 2004.”
The 2004 opinion addressed only the parts of the barrier built in occupied territory. The Metatron wall stands on Israel’s sovereign territory, 300 to 500 meters inside the 1967 line. The single exception, the eastern shore of the Sea of Galilee, is temporary and passes to Syria under the Peace Uptime Protocol. More on the Line and Golan Heights pages.
“The wall is apartheid, a separation of peoples.”
The wall separates states, not communities, and stands on Israel’s own territory. It does not divide anyone within either society: it marks the line between two political entities whose final border will be set by agreement, and the tunnel connects Gaza and the West Bank into a single Palestinian territory. A wall between two states is not a regime over one people.
“A referendum on the Golan and Jerusalem will never pass.”
Perhaps. That is why the core of the project does not depend on one: the wall, the tunnel and the Relocation program require no referendum, because the West Bank is not territory to which Israeli law applies. The Golan and Jerusalem tracks are conditional steps under Basic Law: Referendum; if a referendum fails, the status quo remains on that track and the rest of the project continues. More on the Golan Heights and Jerusalem pages.
The Palestinian Side
“Palestinians are treated as an object, not a party.”
There is truth in this. The project is written by Israelis, for Israeli society, and starts from Israeli security needs. That is why everything that touches Palestinian territory, from the final border to the tunnel terminals, takes effect only by agreement, and the tunnel is run by a Palestinian operator. A project that must first win Israeli consent cannot pretend to speak for Palestinians; it can only leave room for them to decide.
“Israel alone can close the tunnel’s gates, so control over Gaza remains.”
In normal operation the tunnel is run by a Palestinian operator, during the transition in coordination with the administration established under UN Security Council Resolution 2803. Israel isolates a section and enters it only when there is an immediate threat to life, such as an attack or a hostage-taking, with immediate notification of the Palestinian side and international partners. More on the Tunnel page.
ביטחון
“Three years of quiet, and the Golan goes back to Syria?”
The Peace Uptime counter resets with any attributable violation by the Syrian state, so three years means three consecutive years of verified quiet, not three calendar years. Even then the return requires approval under Basic Law: Referendum, by referendum or by 80 Members of the Knesset. Until then the Golan Heights remain as they are. More on the Golan Heights page.
“You are giving up strategic depth.”
Kilometers of territory no longer provide what they did in the age of tank armies. Security today rests on technology, response speed and early warning, and October 7 showed that depth without vigilance protects no one. The border with Jordan itself is fixed by the 1994 peace treaty and remains protected by the wall.
“Who will man 1,115 kilometers?”
Honestly, this still needs to be calculated, and it will be at the design stage. The wall is designed to replace people with sensors, rapid response posts and remotely operated systems. For comparison, today dozens of IDF battalions, 26 in 2026 according to The Jerusalem Post, are tied up in the West Bank.
“Construction will take more than ten years, and we will be exposed the whole time.”
Construction is phased. Green segments along the borders with Egypt and Jordan and a 10-kilometer pilot section can begin immediately after approval, and the existing barrier keeps working until it is replaced section by section. At no point is an old line dismantled before a new one is ready.
Money
“$90 billion, and maintenance on top of that.”
The construction estimate is about $90 billion, and maintaining the wall and its technology systems is estimated at roughly $0.6-1.2 billion a year, a figure that still requires a full calculation. The money comes mainly from reallocating current spending: today a significant share of the defense budget goes to a permanent military presence beyond the 1967 line. More on the Funding page.
ירושלים
“From the left: Jerusalem stays annexed. From the right: you are giving away the Temple Mount.”
The international zone covers only the holy sites of the Old City, each managed by its own community, with the status quo preserved. It is a conditional step that requires approval under Basic Law: Referendum and Basic Law: Jerusalem. The United States, in recognizing Jerusalem as Israel’s capital in 2017, left the boundaries of sovereignty in the city to negotiations and reaffirmed the status quo on the Temple Mount. More on the Jerusalem page.